Saturday, September 6, 2014

LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Post-War American Presidents (4)



[This is a series describing the 12 Post-War American Presidents from a British perspective.]


Lyndon Johnson was internationally rather an underrated President. He lacked JFK’s charisma and latterly became identified with the disastrous Vietnam War. But this coarse, rather ugly Texan was an extremely effective politician, his Great Society programme improved the lot of the poor and the aged. He was one of the most successful American Presidents domestically; he actually got things done, a considerable merit in appraising the contribution of any politician.

Lyndon B. Johnson


Lyndon Baines Johnson (1908 – 1973), always known as LBJ, was born in a small farmhouse in rural Stonewall, Texas. He knew poverty in his rather unhappy childhood with his distant struggling father and piously depressive mother. There was a political side nonetheless with his father being an agrarian populist member of the Texas legislature in six elections with many good contacts. Lyndon worked his way through college and became a school teacher and public speaking tutor; sympathetic encounters with the poverty-stricken Mexican-American community in Texas made a deep impression. LBJ’s driven ambition was remarked upon and a critical biographer wrote "Johnson's ambition was uncommon - in the degree to which it was unencumbered by even the slightest excess weight of ideology, of philosophy, of principles, of beliefs.”


Standing at 6ft.4in, gawky but articulate LBJ began to make political friends, most critically with Sam Rayburn, then a congressman but later to be House Speaker. He joined the staff of Congressman Richard Kleberg, as legislative secretary from 1931-35, and was chosen leader of a group of congressional aides. A New Deal Democrat and admirer of FDR, he was appointed head of the Texas National Youth Administration in 1935, giving educational and job opportunities for young people. In 1937 he himself became a US Congressman for the Texas District covering Austin. LBJ was rapidly advancing.


In 1934 LBJ had married Claudia Taylor, nicknamed “Lady Bird”, who was a shrewd, commercially-acute political wife who helped him greatly. She was born in Texas and had strong Alabama connections.  Henceforth all his close family, his ranch and even his pet beagle used the initials “LBJ.”
LBJ and Lady Bird

In 1941 LBJ ran for the Senate but was beaten in an election by a narrow margin, for the one and only time in his life, by the sitting Governor of Texas, an erstwhile celebrated hillbilly crooner and evangelist “Pappy” O’Daniel. When WW2 broke out, LBJ joined the Navy; he was mainly involved in writing inspection reports on the efficiency or otherwise of US naval shipyards for James Forrestal, the Navy Secretary. He briefly saw action in the South Pacific, castigating the under-investment in men and materiel in that crucial theatre of the war. Later he chaired a committee, similar to the Truman Committee, trying to eliminate waste and incompetence on naval contracts. Johnson was growing in political stature.


In 1948, Johnson won the election for a Senate seat; he defeated former Governor Coke Stevenson in a rough fight where electoral fraud was evident on both sides. LBJ was much assisted by John Connally, JFK’s companion on that fateful day in Dallas in November 1963. LBJ just squeaked in and was for a while known sardonically as “Landslide Lyndon”.


But the US Senate was the ideal hunting ground for LBJ. He made it his business to know all the personalities there, birthdays, wives and children’s names, home town and so on. He ingratiated himself with senior senators, became adept at wheeling and dealing while mastering the complex procedures of Congress. He was chairman of an Armed Forces sub-committee and was noted for his efficiency in issuing unanimous reports and for his effective use of the Press.  In recognition he was elected the Senate Minority Leader for the Democrats, while Eisenhower’s Republicans were still in the ascendant in 1953. The Senate swung back to the Democrats and by the start of 1955 LBJ had reached the eminence of Senate Majority Leader.


He was reckoned to be one of the most effective Majority Leaders in history. He ensured smooth passage of acceptable parts of the Eisenhower legislative programme and sensibly amended others. The business of government was not obstructed. His powers of persuasion, known later as “The Treatment”, were memorably described by two journalists, Evans and Novak:


The Treatment could last ten minutes or four hours. It came, enveloping its target, at the Johnson Ranch swimming pool, in one of Johnson's offices, in the Senate cloakroom, on the floor of the Senate itself — wherever Johnson might find a fellow Senator within his reach. Its tone could be supplication, accusation, cajolery, exuberance, scorn, tears, complaint and the hint of threat. It was all of these together. It ran the gamut of human emotions. Its velocity was breath-taking, and it was all in one direction. Interjections from the target were rare. Johnson anticipated them before they could be spoken. He moved in close, his face a scant millimetre from his target, his eyes widening and narrowing, his eyebrows rising and falling. From his pockets poured clippings, memos, statistics. Mimicry, humour, and the genius of analogy made The Treatment an almost hypnotic experience and rendered the target stunned and helpless.


Strong men quailed under the onslaught and many of the toughest nuts on Capitol Hill dreaded being submitted to this moral torture. Johnson was a workaholic, a hard taskmaster to his staff who either loved or loathed him, or did both. His merits were warmly appreciated in the rarefied corridors of power; Eastern sophisticates often misjudged him – the fine journalist Theodore White later dismissed him as a crude provincial and described his manner as “cornball”- very far from the mark.


LBJ had a monstrous ego, believing himself capable of anything. He decided to run for President in 1960 and was traumatised when the Democratic nomination went to the much less experienced Kennedy. JFK had everything LBJ lacked: good looks, extensive education, a patrician manner, riches, popular appeal and that elusive quality “charisma”. In an unexpected twist, in retrospect a masterstroke, JFK asked LBJ to be his vice-presidential running mate. JFK, knowing he faced a close election, needed to win Electoral College votes in the South and believed (correctly) LBJ could deliver them. The Democratic liberal wing was appalled as was Bobby Kennedy, long a bitter enemy.


  While JFK as President did much to placate him, basically LBJ was unhappy as vice-President. He was sent on foreign tours, headed various committees but knew he was far from the centre of events. Then Fate struck with the assassination on 22 November 1963 and LBJ became the 36th President.

LBJ takes the oath of office 22.11.63
LBJ managed the tragic transition with a degree of dignity and kept most of the Kennedy administration in place, Rusk, McNamara, Dillon and Bundy, although Bobby Kennedy soon moved on. He decided on retaining the Kennedy-era Civil Rights programme, capitalising on the US horror at the loss of their President, Soon enough in 1965 LBJ enunciated his own programme – the much vaunted Great Society. 


There was an enormous volume of broadly “Civil Rights” legislation in the mid-1960s. First LBJ had to ensure his election in his own right. This was relatively easy as the Republicans chose as their candidate the hard-line conservative Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona. Goldwater had sensible things to say about the size of government, but his time had not yet come – he was an inspiration of Ronald Reagan’s brand of conservatism 16 years later. LBJ won the 1964 election by a landslide.

LBJ, assisted by Humphrey and the Trumans signs the Medicare Act

The Great Society was almost the last throw for a generation of New Deal liberalism and of big spending government programmes to transform the US.  The stated aims were ambitious; to eliminate poverty and end racial discrimination. Eliminating poverty completely was never realistic but in 6 years the number of Americans living below the poverty line dropped from 22% to 12%. Areas of deprivation in the inner cities, in parts of the South and in Appalachia received huge Federal funding. The annual Welfare budget soared from $9bn to $30bn. The old and the poor, despite the medical profession’s ravings about “socialized medicine” were guaranteed low cost-care if they were sick – a long-frustrated dream of the Democrats. LBJ, a one-time teacher, invested heavily in education at all levels with the long-term aim of giving opportunities to all communities. The arts were sponsored federally; housing standards were raised as slums were cleared. LBJ earned much support for pushing through these programmes.
 

Ending racial injustice and discrimination was a hard mountain to climb. An Immigration and Nationality Act ended quota systems for new Americans. Segregation was outlawed in all public places and obstructive voting qualifications abolished. Equal opportunity legislation tried to open up the job market to all Americans regardless of racial origin. The material wealth of black citizens steadily improved but there soon grew up a radicalised minority (as seen currently in the Arab world) for whom the Great Society was never enough. Violence and rioting in black areas became frustratingly widespread. LBJ’s well-meaning idealism gave way to new polarised attitudes. Martin Luther King was assassinated in 1968. Integrating and absorbing racial minorities is difficult enough in the UK and Europe; the size and history of the American complexities are truly daunting.

LBJ’s Achilles heel was Vietnam. When he took office the US had contributed 16,000 “advisers” to the South Vietnamese Army in the civil war. Many US policymakers, including LBJ, subscribed to the “domino theory” whereby the loss of one country to communism would trigger off the loss of neighbouring ones. This drove LBJ and some of his advisers to seek a decisive military victory in Vietnam, although the truth was that they were facing a national independence movement, albeit communist led. The Gulf of Tonkin incident in August 1964 saw Congress passing a resolution giving the President wide discretion in pursuing open war against the North.

LBJ with the US Army in Vietnam

US involvement escalated rapidly. By the end of 1968, there were 495,000 US troops in Vietnam and 30,000 had been killed. The Vietcong and the North Vietnamese Army were tenacious fighters, despite huge quantities of bombs being dropped, the notorious Agent Orange being deployed to defoliate the jungle and heavy casualties inflicted. As the war progressed public opinion in the US moved against LBJ. In time key advisers McNamara and Bundy resigned, Bobby Kennedy and William Fulbright spoke against further US involvement. Horrible bloodshed during the Tet Offensive, the My Lai massacre and dozens of other ferocious engagements was prime-time TV viewing in every US household. International hostility to the war was almost total with even normally reliable ally Britain declining to join the crusade. Massive anti-War demonstrations gravely strained US social cohesion. 


LBJ still wanted another term as President but he only narrowly defeated Eugene McCarthy in a New Hampshire primary in January 1968 and prudently announced he would not run in November 1968. Bobby Kennedy became the Democratic front runner but he was gunned down in Los Angeles in June 1968. The Democrats settled on respected but predictable incumbent vice-president Hubert Humphrey but he lost to Richard Nixon, who won in many Southern states embittered by LBJ’s revolutionary changes to their supremacist traditions. The Nixon era was to be a stark contrast to the Great Society.


Opinions on LBJ differ widely. His former press secretary George Reedy called him “a bully, sadist, lout, and egotist”. Others thought working for him was a nightmare, but yet the greatest privilege of their lives. Dean Rusk, his Secretary of State for 5 years claimed he never heard a cross word from him. His sense of humour was robust; on being obstructed by a congressional group he said “Now I know the difference between a caucus and a cactus – in a cactus all the pricks are outside.” Taking political guests to join him in his Turkish bath, he would shock them by grabbing their genitals, appraising them critically and to their disadvantage; he proudly christened his own member “Jumbo”! He could be scathing about his political opponents; on Gerald Ford, then Senate Minority Leader he opined: "Gerry Ford is so dumb he can't fart and chew gum at the same time."


A larger-than-life and flawed character, LBJ died of a heart attack in Texas in January 1973. He was only 64. His Administration’s misreading and mismanagement of Vietnam almost rent his Nation asunder. History will judge him more kindly as his enduring legacy is the significant alleviation of poverty and the bold championing of the civil rights of all Americans.



SMD
6.09.14
Text Copyright © Sidney Donald 2014

No comments:

Post a Comment